Despite robust advancements in science and technology, and the expansion of global communication networks through the rise of social media platforms—now replacing mainstream media and redefining ethical codes—there is an alarming decline in nearly all fundamental indicators of human rights. This is compounded by the failure of multilateral organizations to safeguard democracies and foster progress toward achieving the UN Sustainable Development Goals.

The infringement of women’s rights is accelerating due to the dominance of draconian gender apartheid regimes. The prolonged procedures of international judicial bodies in delivering justice for survivors of gender-based violence contribute to a culture of impunity for sexual violence in conflict zones. Meanwhile, undemocratic regimes are driving significant setbacks in women’s rights and girls’ empowerment globally.

The unprecedented rise in global conflicts is among the underlying causes of the dire status of Sustainable Development Goal 5: Gender Equality, which is centuries away from its full implementation. In line with the acceleration of violence against women and girls, we must redefine the aspects of a conflict. While acknowledging the unequivocal implications of armed conflicts, there are also states where all pillars of positive peace are trembling. Such countries usually do not correspond to the textbook definition of “gender apartheid” or authoritarianism but are torn between a hybrid state.

Turkey ranks 102nd in The Economist Intelligence Unit's Democracy Index 2023. Over the past two decades, the pillars of democracy in Turkey have steadily eroded, with structural changes disproportionately bolstering executive authority and undermining judicial impartiality. This has led to a systemic crackdown on peaceful and just public institutions, inevitably affecting the state of women’s rights.

All forms of violence against women in Turkey continue to escalate as it remains the country with the highest prevalence of intimate-partner violence among the OECD countries. Violence against women and gender inequality cannot be resolved in isolation without addressing deliberatively retrogressive measures diminishing the rule of law, erosion of social and ethical norms in society, increasing impunity, institutional violence, curtailment of press freedom, and perishing local media outlets. 

Let’s look closer at Turkey’s placement in major human rights indexes:

• 117th at World Justice Project, Rule of Law Index 

• Listed as Not Free in the Freedom House, Freedom in the World Index 

• Noted as Repressed in the CIVICUS, Civic Space Index  

• Acknowledged as in crisis at the 136th placement of Article 19, Global Expression  Report  

Even this very brief snapshot illustrates the root causes of the crackdown on women’s rights and the steady rise of femicide in Turkey. Following her visit to Turkey in July 2022, in her report,  UN Special Rapporteur on Violence Against Women, Reem Alsalem, noted: “The persistence of  entrenched patriarchal attitudes and discriminatory stereotypes are compounded by official  declarations made by some public and religious figures concerning the roles and responsibilities of women in the family and in society which overstate the traditional role they play as mothers and wives, undermining women’s social status, autonomy, educational opportunities, and professional  careers, and constitute an underlying cause of gender-based violence against women.” 

Within this tendency towards authoritarianism, the normalization of violence against women,  so-called “honor” killings, child marriages, and kidnappings of girl children are inevitably increasing as such matters are mostly considered as “private matters” rather than a public issue threatening the well-being and security of all women and girls living in Turkey. Fear of retaliation, stigmatization, and lack of trust in government agencies and security forces aggravate the violence pervading society.  

Named after the magnificent city of Istanbul, Turkey's withdrawal from the Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women and Domestic Violence, known as the Istanbul Convention, in March 2021—without any parliamentary debate or consultation with civil society—has only emboldened perpetrators of violence. Turkey is the first and the only country to denounce this international convention merely designed to mitigate domestic violence regardless of a woman’s marital status.

According to the We Will Stop Femicide Platform, one of the most impactful femicide observatories in Turkey leading the frontline, June  2024 noted the highest number of femicides ever recorded. “According to the data of the first six  months, there were 131 femicides in 2021, 164 in 2022, 147 in 2023, and 205 in 2024.” Even though respective legislative measures exist in the Turkish Constitution, there are alarming gaps in safeguarding rights in law and daily practice. The lack of full implementation of Law No: 6284  on the Protection of Family and Prevention of Violence against Women continues to take more and more women’s lives. Reports of We Will Stop Femicide also reveal the horrendous reality that most of the women who are killed at their homes by their closest relatives or partners have already exhausted existing legal remedies and requested protection orders.  

On the other side of the coin, the lives of children, particularly young girls, are under imminent threat due to the increasing trend of domestic and institutional violence. In 2023, 7,088  defendants were convicted in child sexual abuse cases, whereas in 2013, the number of defendants imprisoned was 13,925. Child marriage is another critical situation that requires prompt attention.  According to the data of the Turkish Statistical Institute, 10,471 children below the legal age of 18  got married, while this number was only 700 a decade ago, posing a severe threat to the empowerment of young women and girls.  

Discriminatory and sexist media coverage of gender-based violence shapes the public narrative and thus contributes to the widespread verbal, online, and psychological abuse of women in Turkey. Pressure on the dissident and critical media organizations following the failed coup attempt in 2016 critically impacts civil society movements mobilizing to empower women in need. At least 160  media organizations have been shot down, and many others are still restricted in their media coverage. With the new dystopian disinformation legislative actions taken in October 2022, social  media users are under serious risk of imprisonment if their posts are accused of “spread  information that is inaccurate” to “create fear, panic” or “disrupt Turkey’s domestic and  external security,” “public order,” “public health.” Even though this may be perceived as a positive step to tackle dis/misinformation trends, the ambiguous articles without clear definitions are posing a great risk to human rights activists who are raising awareness on social media platforms. 

As a result of mainstream media being heavily politicized, desperate families and human rights defenders often resort to social media platforms to seek public attention when their loved ones are abducted or forcibly disappeared, usually resulting in horrific killings of these young women and girls. Most recently, 8-year-old Narin Guran’s case drew public attention as she was found dead on the 19th day of her disappearance in Diyarbakir on 8 September 2024. Turkey’s ruling coalition rejected an investigation request brought to the Turkish Grand Assembly by the opposition parties, which sparked another round of criticism among the public. The hearing for  Narin’s case started last week and is ongoing. Meanwhile, the father of 20-year-old Rojin Kabais, who disappeared after leaving her dormitory and was found deceased after 18 days on 27 September 2024, pleaded for awareness on social media, calling citizens to help him seek justice for his daughter.  The remains of 17-year-old Inci Basaran, who was missing for the last 3 days, were found by a fisherman in a runnel on 13 November 2024. On the same day, a 13-year-old girl lost her life due to AIDS, confirmed to be transmitted through sexual assault by a medical exam.  

Legislative violence against women is another dire issue in Turkey. Dilek Ekmekci, a courageous lawyer, was imprisoned on charges of denigrating Turkish officials while investigating cases of forced prostitution of minors allegedly linked to state executives. Beyond being unjustly deprived of her freedom to advocate for women’s rights, the Ankara Criminal Court ordered her forced hospitalization under the pretense of requiring “mental health support.”

Upholding women’s rights, ending gender-based crimes and femicide, and empowering girls in Turkey, especially those with unequal access to fundamental resources, remain in turmoil. Progress is unlikely until Turkey returns to the traces of democracy through a genuine political will to implement its existing legislative acts and honor its commitments to international standards and human rights law.